Gangs, Anarchists, Academics, Immigrants and the agents of White Supremacist Activism and State Repression in the United States


Shortly after moving to California I was made aware of a close relationship between white supremacist, anti-immigrant, anti-youth organizations like Save Our State, Immigrant Watchdog, the Minuteman Project, Hate Speech Radio, Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the Police. Though it is a relationship that is somewhat questionable at times and at other times extremely obvious, I want to use this paper to encourage analysis of the extent to which these organizations, activists and the state forces are in dialogue and in support of each other that we may be able to begin to dismantle the power they seem to wield over our communities.

This paper follows up a blog authored by myself, published on the Zapatismo blogsite De Todos, Para Todos that runs out of the Eastside Café ECHOspace in El Sereno, CA on May 28, 2007. The original blog contains links, video, and notes that give context to the white supremacist activism done by the Minutemen Project, Save our State, Immigrant Watchdog, KABC Hate Speech Radio, College Republicans, David Horowitz the Los Angeles police department, University of California campus police, Santa Barbara police department and Santa Barbara County Sheriff.

The purpose of this paper is to theorize on epistemological discourse advanced by white supremacist activist efforts which influence and reinforce the binary epistemological discourse used by state forces including the Police, Military and Immigration and Customs Enforcement to criminalize Youth of Color, Immigrants and Anti-Capitalist Activists and Intellectuals. This discourse is also reinforced through corporate media. This paper is organized in the following manner, the first section will provide a historical context and framework from which to discuss white supremacist epistemology and the historical ties between vigilante groups and state forces. The second section will address exactly what is white supremacist of this particular epistemological discourse and how many white supremacist activists resort to specific rhetorical tools and language to mask their white supremacist, Capitalist, Heterosexist, Patriarchal, Xenophobic agenda. The following sections will address specific examples of this white supremacist epistemological discourse at work in the contexts of “Illegal” Immigration, “Gang” and “Anarchist” Violence and “Reverse-Racism” in the Academies. The second to last section will provide a discussion of disturbing trends in white supremacist activist and state force repression of Immigrants, Youth, Anarchists and Academics and the last section will offer a path towards dignity.

Neo-Liberal Contexts

In 1979, Mario Barrera offered an observation that the Keynesian model of capitalism had come to a fundamental shift. This is a shift that Jose Limon interprets as a move from modernism to postmodernism, drawing on Harvey to theorize a move from modernism of “fordism” to the postmodernism of “flexible accumulation” (Limon 101-102).

Gibsom-Graham address the possibilities of this shift in their book The End of Capitalism (as we knew it) (2006) and David Harvey provides a top down historical analysis of the economic shift in his book A Brief History of Neoliberalism (2005) focusing on the role of the state in particular the United States and United Kingdom as the center of the shift. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri provide a two-part autonomous Marxist analysis of this economic shift in their books Empire (2000) and Multitude (2004) as they put it,

Today at the dawn of postmodernity, we have first in Empire tried to delineate a new global form of sovereignty; and now, in this book [Multitude], we try to understand the nature of emerging global class formation, the multitude. (Hardt & Negri xvii)

Canadian Scholar Richard J.F. Day has referred to the above shift articulated by Marxist political economists as the neoliberal project which he describes as the following:

The neoliberal project includes the ongoing globalization of capital, as well as the intensification of the societies of control; it also relies upon and perpetuates shifts in the organization of the system of states, through regional agreements such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and the construction of superstates such as the European Union. (Day 6)

The Zapatatistas also understand the above as neoliberalism, Roberto Flores points out that,

Zapatistas targeted the policies and practices of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and such trade regulatory treaties as NAFTA and GATT (the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs). Calling these policies and practices and their cumulative effect “neoliberalism.” (Flores 2005)

Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos speaking for the Zapatistas in 2001 had the following to say,

The concept on which globalization is based is what we call “neoliberalism,” a new religion which is going to permit this process [The Fourth World War]to be carried out. (S.I. Marcos 2001)

Gustavo Esteva and Madhu Suri Prakash understand what Richard Day calls the neoliberal project as a global project which they explain the following manner in their first footnote,

We use the expression the “Global Project” to allude to the current collection of policies and programs, principally promoted all over the world by the governments of the industrial countries with the help of their “friends”: the international institutions and corporations equally committed to the economic integration of the world and the market credo (based on the modern doctrine of the self-regulating market, as described by Karl Polanyi in The Great Transformation, 1925). Other “friends” include most heads of state as well as the elites of “underdeveloped” states, aspiring to “catch up” with the “social minorities” of the “developed” nations, in the global race for “progress” and “development.” (Esteva & Prakash 16)

In a popular education pamphlet prepared by Zapatistas and Gustavo Castro Soto through Educación para la Paz titled “El Sistema Capitalista” the Zapatistas identify four stages of Capitalism. The Liberal Model which they date from 1776-1914, the Keynesian Model which they date from 1945-1970, the Neoliberal model dated 1970-2000 and a current Coporation-Nation Model from 2000 to the present.

The difference in the analysis of the Marxist Political Economists and that of Gustavo Castro Soto, Gustavo Esteva, the Zapatistas is the perspective. Though say Hardt & Negri, Gibsom-Graham and even to an extent David Harvey describe the same phenomenon of a fundamental change in the world their perspective is still very much from the top down and from a western perspective. As Walter Mignolo so eloquently pointed out in his book The Idea of Latin America (2005), “‘dialogue’ can only take place when the ‘monologue’ of one civilization (western) is no longer enforced.”(Mignolo XIX) The perspective of Soto, Esteva, Mignolo and the Zapatistas on the other hand is from below and rather than looking to the top for change that gaze and resulting analysis remains below and to the left. Esteva & Prakash describe what Hardt & Negri describe as the Multitude and its promise in the following way,

An epic is unfolding at the grassroots. Pioneering social movements are groping for their liberation from the ‘Global Project’(1) being imposed upon them. Seeking to go beyond the premises and promises of modernity, people at the grassroots are reinventing or creating afresh intellectual and institutional frameworks without necessarily getting locked into power disputes. Ordinary men and women are learning from each other how to challenge the very nature and foundations of modern power, both its intellectual underpinnings and its apparatuses. Explicitly liberating themselves from the dominant ideologies, fully immersed in their local struggles, these movements and initiatives reveal the diverse content and scope of grassroots endeavours, resisting or escaping the clutches of the “Global Project.” (Esteva & Prakash 1)

The perspective of Esteva & Prakash yields different conclusion for the future than Multitude (2004) in that rather than a overdependence of the abstract western concept of democracy as an ends, Esteva & Prakash, Mignolo, Soto, Flores and the Zapatistas seek an OTHER reality outside of what the traditional western left has imagined.

Neoliberal context for Immigration

Patterns of immigration have shifted because of Neoliberalism. We have seen more indigenous diaspora populations migrating to the north due to forced migration stemming from neoliberal global capitalist projects in Mexico and Central America. (Loucky 2000, Rivera-Salgado 1999 and Stephen 2001) This is a migration that has been triggered directly by neoliberal, “policies and practices of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and such trade regulatory treaties as NAFTA and GATT (the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs)”(Flores 2005)

This new migration linked to neo-liberalism is not unique to indigenous communities in Mexico and Central America. The Philippine Women Centre of B.C. study “Canada: The New Frontier for Filipino Mail-Order Brides” contextualized the migration and trafficking of Filipino women within the context of neoliberalism,

Migration must now be understood as the massive movement of people from the underdeveloped countries of the South to the industrialized countries of the North. The underlying cause of worldwide migration is the globalization of capital and capital’s endless search for profit. Through its continuous expansion, international capital distorts the patterns of economic development of countries, forcing people to “migrate” in order to survive. This systematic commodification of people from developing nations benefits both the sending and receiving countries and is an integral part of the neo-liberal globalization agenda. (Philippine Women Centre 10)

Becoming the Enemy

Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos in “The Fourth World War” (2001) argues that through the above mentioned fundamental shifts that he traces through the history of War that the concept of the enemy has also changed from the traditional nation-states,

The problem is, what territories are being conquered and reorganized, and who is the enemy? Given that the previous enemy has disappeared, we are saying that humanity is now the enemy. The Fourth World War is destroying humanity as globalization is universalizing the market, and everything human which opposes the logic of the market is an enemy and must be destroyed. In this sense, we are all the enemy to be vanquished: indigenous, non-indigenous, human rights observers, teachers, intellectuals, artists. Anyone who believes themselves to be free and is not. (Subcomandante Marcos 2001)

Subcomandante Marcos speaking for the Zapatistas here delineates the use of “destruction” through the Fourth World War for the purpose of hegemony, “It is about homogenizing, of making everyone equal, and of hemoginizing a lifestyle”(Subcomandante Marcos 2001) Through this distruction Subcomandante Marcos argues that,

If the social fabric is broken, the old relationships of solidarity which make coexistence possible in a Nation State also break down. That is why campaigns against homosexuals and lesbians, against immigrants, or the campaigns of xenophobia, are encouraged. (Subcomandante Marcos 2001)

Though the above analysis explains in part the cause for the rise of partisan white supremacist vigilante terrorism by linking their campaigns to a ‘global project’ or ‘neoliberal project’ the criminalization of Anarchists, Immigrants, Youth and academics has a longer history context that should be further studied. In the case of intellectuals we can look at the current case against Ward Churchill by the University of Colorado or go back to Antonio Gramsci or even farther back to Socrates who were both charged as “dangerous” intellectuals, many more intellectuals and academics are a part of this history. In the case of Anarchists we can go back to Emma Goldman who was deported from the United States and Ricardo Flores Magon who was murdered in his Leavenworth prison cell after being charged for a mail crime.

In the case of Immigrants there is an even longer history of who was and who was not a legitimate immigrant all the way back to the Chinese exclusion act and the Ku Klux Klan vigilante terrorism discussed below. For youth, there is a more immediate history that goes back to the fundamental shift in the economy from a Keynesian model to a Neoliberal model as Mario Barrera and others argued created a permanent unemployed class.

This context and the passing of anti-organized crime laws and the emergence of the war on drugs in the late 1980s and early 1990s led to what we know now as the Prison Industrial Complex where it was discovered that profit could be made by imprisoning mass quantities of youth. As Marc Mauer points out, “the 2003 report was different, for the number of persons in prison and jail had now exceeded 2 million. Indeed, the national inmate population had risen more than 500 percent since 1972, far greater than the 37 percent rise in the national population during that time.” (Mauer 1) Mauer, Gilmore, Kennedy and many other scholars point to this dramatic increase of mostly black and latino youth in prison. Mauer even mentioned the “Broken Windows” style of policing also had a long-term impact on these exponentially rising numbers,

To the extent the policing model adopted by Bratton and Giuliani involved a more aggressive and at times intimidating use of police force, it contrasted sharply with developments in community policing in many other cities…The problem with aggressively enforcing “quality of life” crimes and lower-level offenses is that it not only ignores the community as a partner in crime-fighting strategies but often heightens police-community tensions. This is exactly what has taken place in New York, where the number of citizen complaints filed with the city’s Civilian Complaint Review Board rose more than 60 percent between 1992 and 1996. (Mauer 111-12)

It is significant to say that William Bratton is the current Police Chief of the Los Angeles Police Department and has developed similar if not the same strategies in Los Angeles. Youth have been criminalized since that fundamental shift in the 1970s in order to make profit for the corporations that run the prison industry.

Neoliberal context for Partisan White Supremacist Vigilante Activism

note: this analysis was written before the rise of the Tea Party, which consolidated many of the controversial entities described below and removed them from the auspices of the Republican Party, thus creating a buffer that enhanced the legitimacy of the party

Richard Day includes in the description of the neoliberal project, the manner in which exploitation would not be possible without the hierarchical division of neoliberal societies, “according to multiple lines of inequality based on race, gender, sexuality, ability, age, region (both globally and within nation-states) and the domination of nature.” (Day 6) Furthermore, as a result of this neoliberal project’s need to strengthen these hierarchies, “we have seen a return to social conservativism and a backlash against the progressive change brought about during the heyday of the Keynesian welfare state.” (Day 6) Combined with super patriotism this return to social conservativism and backlash has placed a spotlight on the “enemy” which are blamed for the “fragmentation” caused by neoliberalism. The targets include migrant labor categorized as Illegal Immigrants, youth categorized as criminal gang members, anti-capitalist activists categorized as violent anarchists and anti-capitalist intellectuals categorized as “dangerous” professors. Much of the conservative neonativist grassroots activism manifesting itself through the work of organizations like the Minuteman Project, Save Our State, Immigrant Watchdog, and chapters of the College Republicans.

Partisan White Supremacist Vigilante Activism

White supremacist vigilante activist groups like Save Our State , The Minuteman Project , Immigrant Watchdog , and College Republicans are the new vanguard of white supremacist vigilante terrorism in the new millennium. Michael Parenti alluded to, “a horrific side to American history, seldom acknowledged and rarely taught in our schools. It has to do with the countless murderous assaults perpetuated against Native Americans “Indians,” immigrants, and African Americans.”(Parenti 2006) The history of white supremacist vigilante lynching is the context for the current anti-immigrant, color-blind racist, patriarchal, heterosexist, homophobic and xenophobic, neo-nativist, superpatriotic grassroots activism engaged by the membership of these organizations.

William I. Robinson argues that, “Anti-immigrant hate groups are on the rise. The FBI has reported more than 2,500 hate crimes against Latinos in the US since 200. Blatantly racist public discourse has become increasingly mainstreamed and aired in the mass media.” (Robinson 80) Furthermore, Robinson directly links the history of white supremacist lynching to grassroots white supremacist vigilante activism through their militarism,

“The paramilitary organization Minutemen, a modern day Latino-hating version of the Ku Klux Klan, has spread from its place of origin along the US-Mexican border in Arizona and California to other parts of the country. Minutemen claim they must ‘secure the border’ in the face of inadequate state-sponsored control.” (Robinson 80)

Recent documentaries such as the American Friends Service Committee funded Rights on the Line: Vigilantes at the Border (2006) have examined this link. “The Franchise” an article written by Susy Buchanan and David Holthouse for Southern Poverty Law Center in 2005 that was reprinted in the companion to the documentary,

Although Chris Simcox and Jim Gilchrist are seen as the fathers of the Minuteman movement, citizen vigilante border patrols are not a new concept. Simcox and Gilchrist are following in the footsteps of other anti-immigrant activists before them, and it is well-trodden ground.

Klansmen were on the Mexican border 28 years before the Minutemen co-opted the concept. And they were talking about the Hispanic immigration threat more than five decades before that.

In 1926, Klan Imperial Wizard H.W. Evans warned that “to the South of us thousands of Mexicans, many of them Communist, are waiting a chance to cross the Rio Grande and glut the labor markets of the Southwest.” “(American Friends Service Committee, 12)

Also mentioned in the documentary is the rise of partisan white supremacist vigilante activist organizations made up of retired police, military and border patrol officers like Friends of the Border Patrol who have been linked to violence against immigrants on the Mexican border. As Parenti argues of the role of state forces in reinforcing the causes of grassroots white supremacist vigilante activist groups, “Nowadays, too often the police commit the racist murders and beatings that the untrammeled mob used to perpetrate” (Parenti 2006). Just as I will point to a link through funding between grassroots white supremacist vigilante activism and congressmen, representatives and corporations I will also argue that state forces, police, military and border patrol are very much in line with the goals of these groups.

Sources of Funding for Partisan White Supremacist Vigilante Activist Organizations

Though these grassroots white supremacist vigilante activist groups claim to not be related to each other and go out of their way to disown any member caught in the act of their brutality, they are very much in conversation with each other and on forums share tactics, strategies and targets for their grassroots white supremacist vigilante activism. These organizations function at a level of organization that mirrors the US party system considering that much of the funding for their grassroots white supremacist vigilante activism comes from wealthy donors aligned with members of the parties of the United States who in turn work together to pass repressive laws based on the support rallied by these organizations.

College Republicans are the most immediately linked grassroots white supremacist vigilante activist organization. The majority of their funding comes from donations and fundraisers with the republican party and wealthy sponsors like David Horowitz as Grace Chang confirms that, “a campaign was begun at UCLA urging students to turn in their liberal professors, class notes, syllabi, etc., for a reward of $100, presumably to identify and purge the campus of these threatening faculty.” (Chang 69-70) The majority of the organizing for the Horowitz Campaign for Fairness and Inclusion in Higher Education was done by College Republicans at campuses all over the United States. In regards to the Minutemen project, William Robinson confirms that,

Minutemen clubs have been sponsored by right-wing organizers, wealthy ranchers, businessmen and politicians. But their social base is drawn from those formerly privileged sectors of the white working class that have been ‘flexibilised’ and displaced by economic restructuring, the deregulation of labour and global capital flight. These sectors now scapegoat immigrants—with official encouragement—as the source of their insecurity and downward mobility. (Robinson 80)

These are the similar circumstances as that during the era of white supremacist lynching at the turn of the 20th century as Parenti explains,

The ruling interests of that day used racism much as they do today:
• To direct the anger of exploited whites toward irrelevant enemies, making them feel victimized by African Americans who supposedly were expecting special (equal) treatment.
• To bury and blur economic grievances so that Whites are unlikely to act against their bosses because they are too busy trying to keep African Americans down.
• To divide the working populace against itself, making it difficult for White and Black workers to act in unison against the investor class.
• To depress wages by creating super-exploited categories of workers (Blacks, women, immigrants, children) who toil for less because of the very limited employment choices they are accorded.  (Parenti 2006)

This is the same concept that was earlier introduced by Subcomandante Marcos as “fragmentation” and by Esteva & Prakash as “Dis-membering” and also reinforced by Robinson regarding immigrants. Gloria Anzaldúa pointed to Coyolxauqui as a symbol of this dismemberment,

Coyolxauqui, the daughter of Coatlique, who had four hundred brothers, was such a threat to Huitzilopochtli, one of the brothers, that he decapitated her, cut her up in pieces, and buried the pieces of her body in different places. To me that’s a symbol not only of violence and hatred against women but also of how we’re split body and mind, spirit and soul. We’re separated…

I think the reason this image is so important to me is that when you take a person and divide her up, you disempower her. She’s no longer a threat. My whole struggle in writing, in this anticolonial struggle, has been to put us back together again. To connect up the body with the soul and the mind with the spirit. That’s why for me there’s such a link between the text and the body, between textuality and sexuality, between the body and the spirit. (Anzaldúa 220)

This tactic of dis-memberment or fragmentation has a historical context from which to organize resistance. This is an area of future research that can be developed at a later time by others.

Considering that these organizations work hierarchically, I also recommend creating an organizational chart that links up these organization to the corporations, congressmen and representatives who fund and support grassroots white supremacist vigilante activism. I believe that doing so would facilitate any struggles to counter the negative impact that these projects have on youth, immigrants, anarchists and academics.

The Language of Partisan White Supremacist Vigilante Activism

The clearest link between Partisan White Supremacist Vigilante Activism, state forces and congressmen, representatives and corporations is language. I was able to identify through examples that will follow is that the rhetoric being used by Grassroots white supremacist vigilante activist groups on all fronts as Colorblind racism. What is important to look at after the initial shock of the following examples is the rhetoric of color-blind racism that is being used to promote a united language that masks the “white supremacist” aspects of Anti-immigration, Anti-gang, Anti-Anarchist and Anti-Intellectual campaigns.

A useful tool for understanding the rhetoric of colorblind racism would be to look at Eduardo Bonilla-Silva’s dissection of the language used by college age populations in his book Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Presistance of Racial Inequality in the United States (2003).

In this book Bonilla-Silva identifies four central frames of white-supremacist racist talk abstract liberalism, naturalization, cultural racism and minimization of racism.


According to Bonilla-Silva, “The frame of abstract liberalism involves using ideas associated with political liberalism (e.g., “equal opportunity,” the idea that force should not be used to achieve social policy) and economic liberalism (e.g., choice, individualism) in an abstract manner to explain racial matters.”(Bonilla-Silva, 28) Abstract liberalism is also the location where appeals to the fairness of the state, to meritocracy, and freedom are made in support of repressive measures against those targeted as “enemy”. At the same time it is abstract liberalism that allows for the idea of “reverse-racism”.


The second frame, naturalization, “allows whites to explain away racial phenomena by suggesting they are natural occurrences.”(Bonilla-Silva, 28) It is in this context that segregation is explained as a natural as cat’s and dog’s or oil and water.


The third frame of cultural racism, “relies on culturally based arguments such as, ‘Mexicans do not put much emphasis on education’ or ‘blacks have too many babies’ to explain the standing of minorities in society.” (Bonilla-Silva, 28) Rather than hold neoliberalism accountable for the status of the majority of the world, their exploited positions are explained as a cultural trait that is self-perpetuated.


The last frame explained by Bonilla-Silva is the minimization of racism, “a frame that suggests discrimination is no longer a central factor affecting minorities’ life chances (‘it’s better now than in the past’ or ‘There is discrimination, but there are plenty of jobs out there’)” (Bonilla-Silva, 29) This frame allows for acts of racial violence perpetrated by police, the military, Immigration and Customs Enforcement and grassroots white supremacist vigilante activist groups to be dismissed, for the links between these acts and their funders to be rendered irrelevant, and for those struggling to hold them accountable to be accused of, “being ‘hypersensitive,’ of using race as an ‘excuse,’ or of ‘playing the race card.’”(Bonilla-Silva, 29)

Spreading awareness of the central frames of language used by perpetrators of grassroots white supremacist vigilante violence, state violence and their defenders to justify their actions is another project that would be good to invest in for the future. William Robinson points to the following regarding the Minuteman project,

Their discourse, beyond racist, is neo-fascist. Some have even been filmed sporting T-shirts with the emblem ‘Kill a Mexican Today?’ and others have organized for-profit ‘human safaris’ in the desert. One video game discovered recently circulating on the internet, ‘Border Patrol’, lets players shoot at Mexican immigrants as they try to cross the border into the US. Players are told to target one of three immigrant groups, all portrayed in a negative, stereotypical way, as the figures rush past a sign that reads ‘Welcome to the United States’. The immigrants are caricatured as bandolier-wearing ‘Mexican nationalists’, tattooed ‘drug smugglers’ and pregnant ‘breeders’ who spring across the border with children in tow. (Robinson 80)

The above mentioned four frames are reinforced on the white supremacist forums such as the comment boards of Save Our State and Immigrant Watchdog, more overtly racist postings are made private to hide the racism of the members of the organization and promote a color-blind front.


Save our state has a forum where members are able to discuss the activism and causes that they are struggling for. After posting 30 minutes of stock footage of the event (footage that I filmed), there was a forum created to discuss the approach that these activists were going to take in protecting the Police use of Excessive Force and the resulting Police Riot.

On multiple fronts you can see these activists using the stock footage to identify points that they can stress to justify the Police violence and scapegoat Anarchists, Gang members (Youth) and Illegal Immigrants. Shortly after publishing the original link to this particular forum online, the webmaster made the forum closed to the public. I was able to access a cached version of the site where I drew the following examples:

Example 1: Target Illegals

I think there may be a silver lining in all this. Now that they have pissed off the illegal alien communities maybe the illegals will start protesting against the cops more and eventually we will get the riot we have all been expecting in downtown. When the nation turns on their TVs and sees LA in flames then MAYBE we will finally get some damn enforcement and deportations. (Last Great Hope)

Example 2: Target Anarchists

I am sure the police were attacked. I am glad the police responded. While seeing press getting roughed up during this anarchist riot, the press is NOT above the law. (Califnative)

Example 3: Target Youth

These Reconquista guys are getting frustrated and acting out because things aren’t going their way. They don’t have alot of self-restraint to begin with. Many of them are uneducated third-world savages and act implusively in anger. The La Raza leaders can’t control the shaved headed cholo thugs. Maybe L.A. will have to completely go down in flames to save the rest of the country. (Norcal_bayarea)

I chose the above three examples because it demonstrates the reasoning process and affirmation of “enemy” targets by the grassroots white supremacist vigilante activists to create a common discourse and narrative that was later reinforced by the police and even not-surprisingly, the media that was attacked by the police.


The College Republicans make up a considerable portion of the membership of these grassroots white supremacist vigilante activist groups in the United States. On top of hosting and receiving funds from wealthy donors like David Horowitz for turning over lecture notes of anti-racist, anti-patriarchal and anti-capitalist professors across the country, College Republicans also receive fundraising support from many hate speech conservative radio personalities.

The situation is one that manifests itself in unique ways at many universities. At Washington State University students who opposed the building of a border fence and anti-racist professors who stood up to the college republicans during this demonstration were targeted for legal action and university disciplinary action.

Another example of this type of white supremacist activism is the case of Academia Semillas del Pueblo in El Sereno, CA where hate radio broadcasts by Doug McIntyre in Los Angeles caused a rash of bomb threats where 250 children were evacuated.

The documentary, Pathology of a Hate Crime describes the aftermath. In the end McIntyre was not held accountable because he did not make the bomb threat himself. It is important to note that the person making the bomb threat calls the students and staff of Semillas del Pueblo “Racists” again abstract liberalism is used to deflect the caller’s own racism as he ends the call with “Fucking Beaners”.

Racial myths and stories created by and reinforced by the grassroots white supremacist vigilante activists like the idea of a “Reconquista” are also very much at play in rallying the hate of others against the targeted “enemy”. An analysis of the changing racial myths and stories is another project that must also be undertaken to challenge this agenda.


The same colorblind racist frames were utilized by Dirk, the Immigration Watchdog who also publishes on Save our State and has worked with the Minutemen. This Partisan Activist in particular was seeking to capture acts of Immigrants, Gang Bangers and Anarchists “misbehaving”. I also took a video of a confrontation between a rally participant and dirk the immigration watchdog.

In the Immigration Watchdog website version of the confrontation, it is very clear that the young 5’2″, 110lb Mexican woman involved in the confrontation videotaped was not only sexualized, she was also categorized as an Illegal immigrant and thug (gang banger) whom dirk was afraid was going to “jump him”. In his edited version he conveniently leaves out (via editing) an exchange between him and the camera where it is made clear that the only purpose of the confrontation is to monitor the Immigration Watchdog’s actions.

On top of being present in Los Angeles, members of immigrant watchdog also travelled all the way to Santa Barbara to demonize a 12 year old youth.

Gangs, Immigrants, Anarchists and Academics

There is much to be done as I finish this draft of this topic I have begun to write about. Many of the areas are in dire need of being fleshed out and that is what makes me realize that this project is too much for one person to attempt to contribute to, it must be a collaborative effort more than simply citing other scholars who have engaged portions of the problem. When we work together on common problems it is like the process of re-membering that fragmentation and dis-memberment that the above mentioned scholars talk about. In that context I leave the reader with an invitation to contribute towards that goal of building a world where many worlds can fit, that is non-hegemonic, non-hemogenized and where we are no longer targeted for believing what we’ve always known…that we are also free.


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Rivera-Salgado, Gaspar. “Mixtec Activism in Oaxacalifornia: Transborder GrassrootsPolitical Strategies” American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 42 No. 9, June/July 1999 1439-1458 (Sage Publications Inc. 1999).

Robinson, William I. “‘Aqui estamos y no nos vamos!’ Global capital and immigrant rights.” Race & Class Institute of Race Relations Vol. 48(2): 77-91 2006

Soto, Gustavo Castro. “El Sistema Capitalista” Serie Economía (Comitán, Chiapas, MX: Educación para la Paz, A.C. 2006)

Stephen, Lynn. “Globalization, the State, and the Creation of Flexible Indigenous Workers: Mixtec Farmworkers in Oregon,” Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic Development 30, no. 2-3 (2001): 189-214, 2001

Viesca, Victor Hugo. “The Battle of Los Angeles: The Cultural Politics of Chicana/o Music in the Greater Eastside.” American Quarterly Volume 56, Number 3, September 2004, pp 719-739

End Notes:

1. (Accessed 06/12/07) For more on the Eastside Café please see, Victor Hugo Viesca. “The Battle of Los Angeles: The Cultural Politics of Chicana/o Music in the Greater Eastside.” American Quarterly Volume 56, Number 3, September 2004, pp 719-739
2. Mario Barrera. Race and class in the Southwest : a theory of racial inequality (Notre Dame : University of Notre Dame Press, 1979)
3. Gustavo Castro Soto can be reached at
4. University of Colorado–Boulder Press Release, Ward Churchill Resigns Administrative Post, January 31, 2005 (accessed on 06/15/07) and (accessed on 06/15/07)
5. Antonio Gramsci. Selections from the Prison Notebooks Edited and translated by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1978)
6. Emma Goldman. Anarchism and other essays. (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1969)
7. Ricardo Flores Magón. Dreams of Freedom: A Ricardo Flores Magón Reader. Ed. Chaz Bufe and Mitchell Cowen Verter. (Oakland: AK Press, 2005)
8. See Marc Mauer Race to Incarcerate (2006) and Ruth Wilson Gilmore Golden Gulag (2007) for current scholarship on the matter.
9. Save our State: (accessed 06/15/07)
10. Minuteman Project: (accessed 06/15/07)
11. Immigrant Watchdog: (accessed 06/15/07)
12. College Republican National Committee: (accessed 06/15/07)
13. For more on the historical context of lynching see Randal Kennedy Race, Crime, and the Law. (Canada: Vintage, 1998)
14. Rights on the Line: (Accessed 06/15/07)
15. Friends of the Border Patrol: (Accessed 06/15/07)
16. David Horowitz. “The Campus Blacklist” April 18, 2003 (Accessed 06/15/07)
17. If anyone is interested in doing that type of research there are tools available online at:
18. Save Our State: (accessed 06/15/07)
19. Necalli Olin Tonatiuh. Police Brutality in Los Angeles May Day Rally: Mac Arthur Park 2007 (accessed 06/15/07)
20. Cached forum for save our state forum on May Day Police Riot: (accessed 06/15/07)

21. Thomas B. Edsall. “Money Raises the Stakes For College Republicans.” Washington Post. Thursday, June 23, 2005; Page A08. (Accessed 06/15/07)

22. Brian Downie. “College Republicans’ demonstration sparks controversy on campus.” The Daily Evergreen. 11/13/2006. (Accessed 06/15/07)
23. Juan Santos. “Minutemen Target Children: The Attack on Academia Semillas del Pueblo.” Independent Media Centre Los Angeles. June 7, 2006. (Accessed 06/15/07)
24. Pathology of a Hate Crime: (Accessed 06/15/07)
25. Necalli Olin Tonatiuh. Immigrant Watchdog at May 17, 2007 March: LA: (Accessed 06/15/07)
26. TheWatchdog. “Martin Sheen, Illegal Aliens, and MacArthur Park” May 18, 2007. (accessed 06/15/07)
27. GuardDog. “Teen Latino Gang Killing In Paradise A.K.A. Santa Barbara, Ca.” March 17, 2007.

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